In a new twist this week to the stand-off between China and the
Philippines at Scarborough Shoal, 66 Vietnamese, many of them well-known
public figures in Vietnam and within the Vietnamese Diaspora, signed a letter
to the Philippine Ambassador in Vietnam to express support for the
Philippines’ “sovereign rights” in the continuing stand-off. The main
points of the letter are:
1) Support for the “sovereign rights” of the Philippines in the Scarborough Shoal.
2) Opposition to China’s use of the “nine-dashed line” to make
overlapping claims with the Exclusive Economic Zones and continental
shelves of the Philippines, Vietnam and other ASEAN countries, as well
as opposition to “China’s actions and threats of force,” the latter presumably referring to articles in China’s state controlled press.
3) Support for the Philippines’ proposal to submit the dispute at
Scarborough Shoal to the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea
(ITLOS).
The first interesting thing about the
letter, to which I am a signatory, is that while supporting the
Philippines, the letter stops short of taking sides on the question of
sovereignty over the rocks at Scarborough Shoal. What it supports the
Philippines on is the question of “sovereign rights,” which isn’t
sovereignty over islands and rocks, but rights over the Exclusive
Economic Zone (EEZ) and continental shelf.
Does it make legal sense to support the Philippines on the question
of rights over the EEZ and continental shelf without taking sides on the
question of sovereignty over the rocks? Don’t the rights over the EEZ
and continental shelf depend on sovereignty over territories, including
islands and rocks? The answer lies in the fact that the rocks at
Scarborough Shoal aren’t the only territories in this area; there’s also
Luzon Island. It’s possible to argue that these rocks aren’t entitled
to an EEZ beyond 12 nautical miles, therefore the EEZ in this area
belongs to Luzon Island, regardless of whether the rocks belong to China
or the Philippines, and regardless of the fact that they are disputed
territory.
It’s evident that while both Vietnam and the Philippines feel most
threatened by China’s “nine-dashed line,” those countries also feel that
this line has a legal Achilles’ heel, which they seek to target with
the concepts of UNCLOS such as EEZ, and of maritime delimitations,
arguing that regardless of which country owns an island or rock, and of
the fact that it might be disputed territory, the EEZ in certain areas
belongs to larger landmasses.
The second interesting thing is that whoever drafted the letter chose
not to use the conventional international name of “South China Sea.”
Instead, they chose to use a combination of the Filipino and Vietnamese
names, “West Philippine Sea/East Sea.” Are we about to see something
similar to South Korea’s challenge to the conventional name “Sea of
Japan”?
However, most interesting of all is the fact that this is the first
time ever that members of the public in a country involved in the South
China Sea disputes have expressed support for another in this way.
Still, perhaps this move shouldn’t come as a complete surprise given
that in recent years most of the incidents in the South China Sea
involve either China and Vietnam or China and the Philippines. With a
common legal argument and facing a common, but much larger, opponent,
there will likely be a tendency for the Vietnamese and the Filipinos to
move towards a strategy of mutual support in the future.
Huy Duong contributes articles on the South China Sea to several
news outlets including the BBC and Vietnam's online publication
VietNamNet.
* Article publicat a The Diplomat. La fermesa del Vietnam en recolzar les Filipines el el contenciós amb la Xina, a banda de l'intel·ligència de plantejar un front comú, posa de relleu altre cop l'enorme determinació d'aquest país asiàtic. Sense dubte, sense una política exterior valenta, no es poden contenir les ànsies de conquesta. Recordem Münich el 1938...
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