By Andrew S. Erickson
The U.S. isn’t “returning” to the Asia-Pacific, it never left in the first place.
Here, in the world’s most strategically and economically dynamic
region, China is already demonstrating great potential to undermine
American strategic interests and the efficacy of the global system –
and is doing so in practice. Though Beijing and Washington have
considerable shared interests and potential for cooperation, the most
difficult period for them to achieve “competitive coexistence” may already have begun.
Assuming that high-intensity kinetic conflict can be avoided –
fortunately, a highly likely prospect – China’s greatest challenge to
U.S. interests and the global system might thus be the already unfolding
strategic competition, friction, pressuring, and occasional crises in
the three “Near Seas” (the Yellow, East China, and South China Seas).
China is already a world-class military power – but not in the ways
that many have charged. Beijing’s “blue water” naval expansion beyond
the Second Island Chain, which isn’t proceeding at the highest level,
does not pose a serious problem for Washington. Indeed, as a growing
great power, it is only natural for China to develop an increasing
presence in this realm, and in many respects it should be welcomed.
The United States has and will continue to have many viable options
to address any problems that might emerge in this area, at least with
respect to a high intensity kinetic conflict. For instance, Chinese
forces themselves are highly vulnerable to precisely the same types of
“asymmetric” approaches (e.g., missile attacks) that they can employ to
great effect closer to China’s shores. In fact, there’s substantial
room for cooperation beyond the Near Seas. This potential may even be
said to be growing, as China’s overseas interests and capabilities
increase, thereby allowing it to contribute in unprecedented ways. In
this area, which covers the vast majority of the globe, Beijing appears
to be cautiously open to Washington’s ideas about “defense of the global
system” – which offer excellent opportunities for “free riding” off
U.S.-led public goods provision.
The problem is that in the Near Seas themselves, and possibly beyond
them over time, Beijing is working to carve out a sphere of strategic
influence within which freedom of navigation and other important
international system-sustaining norms do not apply.
Indeed, China already has some ability to engage in anti-access/area
denial (A2/AD) operations within the Near Seas/First Island Chain and
their immediate approaches, assisted in part by the land-based Second
Artillery Force; as well as longer-range precision strikes and global
cyber activities. This A2/AD challenge threatens U.S. naval platforms,
but is far more than just a Chinese navy-based threat.
The U.S. military has many options to prevent the People’s Liberation
Army from paralyzing its forces, yet it will fail if it continues business
as usual. It could already be difficult to handle kinetically with
current American approaches, and the situation appears to be worsening
rapidly. The U.S. may not have years to develop new countermeasures and
prepare to address the most difficult aspects of the problem; in a
sense, “the future is now.”
Andrew S. Erickson is an Associate Professor in the Strategic
Research Department at the U.S. Naval War College and a core founding
member of the department’s China Maritime Studies Institute.This entry
is based on remarks made at Harvard University during The Diplomat's
Pivot to the Pacific panel.
*Notícia publicada a The Diplomat. Els articles del professor Andrew S. Erickson sempre són d'allì més recomanables i aquest, no n'és una excepció.
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