Russians Drink Sangria as Ukraine Burns*

BY FDBETANCOR

Cease fire violations are a part of the daily routine in the no man’s land of Eastern Ukraine. Rifle fire, automatic weapons and exchange of mortar rounds between Ukrainian government forces and rebel militias is a matter of course, with up to 100 violations in a day[1]. For the moment, that is all there is: both sides have mostly observed the requirement to withdraw heavy weapons, so there is no field artillery or tanks. Yet the situation remains tense as the summer drags on. For the moment, the tense balance holds. The Ukrainian government realizes that it lacks the strength for a military solution, while Russia has the military strength to beat Ukraine but not to hold a rebellious population of 40 million.

So there is no war, but there is no peace either. Ukraine burns, and citizens of the new borderland suffer acute shortages of everything: food, medicines, gasoline, money. They, like their nation, are pawns in a power game between Russia and the West. Neither side truly wants war; but neither side is yet willing to negotiate. The Russians believe that “losing Ukraine” to Europe and the US would be a mortal threat to their own security; while Europe and the US are convinced that “losing Ukraine” to Russia would be tantamount to a second Munich Agreement. It would only convince Vladimir Putin of Western weakness and encourage him to test NATO in a more sensitive area, like the Baltic States.

NATO has responded as much as its limited means allow: air patrols over the Baltic allies have been intensified and interceptions of Russian aircraft by Western fighters are now too routine to report. Military training and exercises have been intensified, with US forces very publicly visiting key Eastern European states like Poland and Romania. Even non-NATO nations like Sweden have been disturbed enough by the rumblings of the Russian bear to begin quiet coordination of their military staffs with NATO counterparts. Even the normallaissez faire and independent French, who are perfectly happy to sell nuclear components to Iraq and advanced weaponry to anyone with a sufficiently large bank account, have been convinced to first suspend and finally cancel the delivery of two Mistral-class amphibious assault ships. These vessels would have given the Russian Navy a significant boost in their power projection capabilities, especially in the highly sensitive Black Sea, where the RFS Sevastopol was destined to be stationed. This will cost the French a significant amount of money, approximately 1.2 billion dollars – at least until they can find another buyer[2].

Far from dividing the normally fractious nations of Europe, Russian actions have enhanced their cooperation and reinvigorated a moribund North Atlantic alliance. From Cape Svalbard to Cape Matapan, Vladimir Putin is faced by a determined and united front opposed to Russia’s unilateral annexation of Crimea and barely concealed invasion of Donestk and Lugansk. Well…almost united. While Ukrainians die in defense of their lands – on both sides of the front lines – and Europeans suddenly remember what their militaries are for, there are Russian sailors stuffing their gobs full of paella and sangría in the Spanish port of Ceuta.

The RFS Novorossiysk, a Russian Kilo-class diesel attack submarine, arrived at the Spanish North African port this morning along with its tender[3]. Both Russian vessels are taking on water, fuel and victuals while their crews enjoy a week of shore leave. Besides seamen, the Kilo carries the SS-N-27 “Sizzler” a supersonic anti-ship missile as well as SA-N-10 Gimlet missiles for air defense. This lethal package is docked next to one of the busiest shipping choke points in the world and an hour’s easy steam from the Royal Naval base at Gibraltar and US Naval Station Rota.

The submarine visit is not an isolated incident: this year alone there have been 13 port calls by Russian naval vessels to Ceuta and over 50 since 2010. In April it was the Udaloy-class ASW destroyer, the Severomorsk and in February another ASW frigate, the Yaroslav Mudry.The city fathers are happy to have 2,000 lonely sailors spending their rubles on “shore leave” and local businesses benefit too. Nothing to comment on in normal times; except that we’re not living in normal times. NATO aircraft aren’t intercepting Russians over allied airspace because relations are warm and fuzzy.

Spain is not alone in welcoming Russian ships, it is in good company: the Russian Navy regular makes port calls in Cuba, Venezuela, Syria, and Iran too. Cam Ranh Bay in Vietnam is still a welcome destination for the Pacific Fleet, but in Europe only Cyprus[4] make Ivan feel as home as often as the Spanish do. Russian sailors are no longer a common sight even in Saint-Nazaire where they were training to take possession of the two Mistral-class vessels the French were constructing. Meanwhile, the Spanish sharpen their military skills by having their Coast Guard vessels fire at Gibraltar-flagged pleasure boats[5]; all part of the “successful foreign policy” being promulgated out of Madrid[6], one of harassment, illegality and disregard for the democratic rights and unanimous wishes of the actual inhabitants of the Rock.

The harassment has become far worse since the investiture of the current Prime Minister, Mariano Rajoy Brey, in December 2011. The current government is acting in a fashion more in keeping with the various stand-offs instigated by the fascist Franco regime during the 1970’s than as a NATO ally and European partner. Spain routinely refuses to allow NATO vessels and aircraft traveling to or from Gibraltar to also visit a Spanish port or airfield while in transit. Yet the Spanish government is happy to welcome large numbers of warships from the Russian Navy. With friends like this…

The State Department and Pentagon should not remain indifferent to the sight of the Russian Navy growing old within shouting (and shooting) distance of RAF Gibraltar and an easy sail from Rota. The United Nations estimates[7] that the 14-kilometers of the Straits handle 3,000 vessels per day, 25% of sea-transported oil shipments, and 30% of all tonnage entering or leaving the Mediterranean. It is not only a critical military and economic choke point; it borders critical states in North Africa and the Sahel. For this reason the United States maintains, with Spain’s permission, both a naval presence in Rota (near Cádiz) and the 3,500-man Special-Purpose Marine Air-Ground Task Force Crisis Response-Africa at Morón de la Frontera[8].

Thus it is not irrelevant that Marine V-22 Ospreys flying out of Morón would not be able to land at Gibraltar outbound or inbound while executing vital missions; the Crisis Response force is not there to take pictures of the Andalusian countryside. This is not an idle scenario: given the close cooperation between our military and that of the United Kingdom, a mission involving US and Royal Marines could be easily imagined. Which ally has shed blood with the United States in every one of our wars of last 100 years? It is high time we demand an end to the stupid and damaging policies that are pitting two NATO nations against each other and complicating US interests in the region.

Sources and Notes

[1] “Cease-fire violations in eastern Ukraine cause concern,” Associated Press, 14 August 2015
[2] Pierre Tran, “Mistral Dispute With Russia Settled, France Eyes Exports,” Defense News, 09 August 2015
[3] Antonio Sempere, “El submarino ruso ‘Novorossiysk’ atraca en el muelle España, donde permanecerá hasta el Viernes,” Ceuta Actualidad, 26 August 2015
[4] Damien Sharkov, “Cyprus Agrees Deal to Let Russian Navy Use Ports,” Newsweek, 26 February 2015
[5] Alistair Dawber, “Tensions rise as Spanish customs boat fires shots at pleasure craft in Gibraltar’s waters,” The Independent, 27 August 2015
[6] “Spain’s Action On Gib is ‘Bearing Fruit’ – Margallo,” The Gibraltar Chronicle, 25 August 2015
[7] United Nations Environment Programme, Mediterranean Action Plan for the Barcelona Convention
[8] Sam LaGrone, “Spain and U.S. Sign Permanent Basing Agreement for up to 3,500 U.S. Marines,” USNI News, 18 June 2015

* Article publicat al web "Common Sense" de Fernando Betancor. Una visió nordamericana sobre el capteniment espanyol vers Gibraltar i la connivència amb la Marina russa. Caldria anar pensant en quines contrapartides té Espanya perquè les naus russes atraquin reiteradament a Ceuta. Alhora, recomanem vivament el bloc de Fernando Betancor. Bona feina!

Dos buques de la Armada rusa hacen escala mañana con más de 200 tripulantes*

Dos buques de la Armada rusa harán escala en el puerto mañana con más de 200 tripulantes a bordo y la previsión de permanecer en la ciudad hasta el próximo martes.

Se trata del ‘Ivan Bubnov’ y del ‘Alexander Shabalin’, un buque de asalto anfibio el primero y otro cisterna, el segundo, que vienen a Ceuta para realizar labores de avituallamiento y que vienen a engordar las escalas que en lo que va de año han realizado los buques rusos, nueve en total. En el caso del ‘Alexander Shabalin’ ya estuvo en Ceuta el pasado enero y ahora regresa para tomar 300 toneladas de gasoil y 150 de agua. Se ha previsto que atraque en el dique de Levante. En el caso del ‘Ivan Bubnov’, se prevé que realice labores de avituallamiento destacando la toma prevista de 3.750 toneladas de gasoil y de agua. Los comercios de la ciudad se preparan para atender a unos tripulantes que se han convertido en fieles y que siempre que visitan la ciudad hacen muestra del alto poder adquisitivo que tienen. Entre los tripulantes que llegan a bordo de los buques hay oficiales, suboficiales y marinería. Tal y como ha destacado la Autoridad Portuaria, con estas llegadas ascienden a 9 las escalas de buques rusos en este año mientras que en 2014 visitaron Ceuta 13 buques con 2.300 tripulantes. “Estos datos confirman el interés de la Armada rusa por el puerto para realizar sus paradas”, explica la Autoridad que resalta también el beneficio económico para los comercios.

*Notícia publicada El Faro Digital. Segur que els aliats de l'OTAN estaran d'allò més contents en saber que Espanya allotja amb tanta devoció les naus russes.

Australia receives first Canberra-class LHD

The Australian government has accepted the first of its two Canberra-class landing helicopter docks (LHDs) from BAE Systems, the vessel's prime contractor said in a statement on 8 October.

The ship will remain at BAE Systems' Williamstown shipyard in Melbourne before its commissioning at Sydney later in 2014, the statement added. It is due for delivery to the Royal Australian Navy (RAN) on 28 November.

Canberra , which is based on Navantia's Juan Carlos I aircraft carrier design, completed its final contractor sea trials in late August.

Work is progressing on second ship Adelaide , which arrived in Australia for outfitting in Bé bé ja tu after being transported from Navantia's Ferrol yard in Spain. Adelaide is scheduled to begin sea trials in the second quarter of 2015, with delivery expected in 2016.

Meanwhile, Australia has begun the process of exercising an option on two more Boeing C-17A Globemaster III strategic airlifters in addition to the six operated by 36 Squadron out of RAAF Base Amberley in Queensland.

Defence Minister David Johnston said in a statement that, if exercised, the two extra Globemasters would "significantly enhance the Royal Australian Air Force's [RAAF's] capacity for operational tasks, disaster relief, and humanitarian assistance in our region and around the world".

"The ability to rapidly react and move large elements of Australia's support systems over long distances during these times has highlighted the need for us to have a good sized fleet," he added.

Australia initially purchased four C-17s under Project AIR 8000 Phase 3 using the US Foreign Military Sales (FMS) programme, with the first aircraft delivered in December 2006. The last of the six in service was delivered to the RAAF in 2012.

* Notícia publicada per Jane's Information Group. Austràlia continua ampliant la seva capacitat de projecció de força, consolidant-se com a element estabilitzador al Pacífic i l'Índic

U.S. Should Condemn Spain and France’s Military Support to the Russian Federation*

As Russia continues to occupy Crimea and back political instability in eastern Ukraine, there are some NATO members that continue to provide Russia with military support. Spain allows the Russian navy use of its ports, and France is selling two amphibious assault ships to Russia.

This behavior is unbecoming of 21st-century NATO allies. The U.S. should work with likeminded NATO partners to apply pressure on France and Spain to end their military assistance to Russia.

Europe Is Divided
Although the secretary general of NATO described the crisis in Ukraine and Russian aggression as the biggest threat to Europe since the end of the Cold War, Europe has been divided on its response. Some countries, such as Germany and Italy, have strong economic ties to Russia. Other European nations are dependent for 100 percent of their natural gas and oil requirements on the Russian Federation.

These complex economic relationships do not justify Europe’s unwillingness to enact meaningful sanctions on Russia, but they certainly make it understandably more difficult. However, there is no excuse for the support given by Spain and France to the Russian navy.

Spain Welcomes the Russian Navy
Spain possesses two sovereign enclaves called Ceuta and Melilla that border Morocco. They are both sizable cities, with populations of 73,000 and 79,000, respectively. They are legally part of Spain, and they are the only two European Union (EU) cities located in mainland Africa. They are also part of the Schengen Agreement and the eurozone. The Russian navy has been using their port facilities for years.

On April 28, during the same week that the EU announced a new round of sanctions against Russia, Spain played host to the Russian destroyer Vice Admiral Kulakov at Ceuta.[1] During its stay, the destroyer took on nearly 740 tons of fuel and 100 tons of water. In the same week, two Russian navy tankers, the Duban and the Sergey Osipov, visited the Spanish port. Earlier this year, the landing ship Alexander Shabalin and the tug ship Khorov also called into Ceuta. It has been reported that a total of six Russian ships have visited Ceuta in 2014.[2]

Spain’s policy of allowing the Russian navy to use Ceuta in North Africa is also hypocritical in relation to its reluctance to allow visits by NATO ships to or from the British Overseas Territory of Gibraltar directly to or from Spanish ports. Therefore, under certain circumstances Spain would rather have a Russian ship visit a Spanish port than a NATO ship. In addition, Spanish authorities routinely deny any request by military aircraft from NATO members that arrives or departs the Gibraltar airfield and overflies or lands in Spain.

France: Arming the Russians
It is not only Spain providing support to the Russian navy. The French are literally equipping it as well. France is proceeding with a €1.2 billion ($1.6 billion) defense deal involving the sale of two Mistral-class amphibious assault ships to the Russian navy. The first ship, named Vladivostok, is due for delivery at the end of the year. The second ship, coincidently named the Sevastopol (the name of the naval base in Crimea, which Russia has just annexed from Ukraine), will follow soon after.

Although France will not be selling any weapons systems with the ships, the ships themselves provide a platform from which an array of offensive military capability and weapons can be deployed. Mistrals can carry 16 helicopters and have a flight deck with six helicopter landing spots. Russian Mistrals are expected to be armed with eight Ka-52K attack helicopters and eight Ka-29 assault transport helicopters. The ships can carry four mechanized landing craft or two hovercrafts, 70 armored vehicles, and up to 450 troops. Each ship comes equipped with advanced communications capabilities that make it capable of operating as a command-and-control vessel and has a 69-bed hospital. Admiral Vladimir Vysotsky, the former head of the Russian navy, said that his country would have won the war against Georgia in 2008 in “40 minutes instead of 26 hours” if it had had these ships back then.[3]

France is also hosting Russian sailors to train them to operate the ships. Russia sent 354 sailors and 60 instructors to France in February to undergo training on manning the ship; this first phase of training will be completed at the end of May. The second phase of training, consisting of around 400 troops, will begin in June and last until October.[4]

Although Russia has publicly stated that the two ships will be based with its Pacific fleet, there is no guarantee this will be the case forever—especially considering that the service life of a Mistral-class ship is several decades. The Mistral variant that Russia will be purchasing will have a reinforced hull and special deck-warming devices in order for it to operate in the Arctic Ocean.

Even with Russia’s recent aggression in the Ukraine, France has no plans to cancel the deal. In fact, French politicians have taken a flippant attitude to the deal. The French defense minister, Jean-Yves Le Drian, recently claimed that France was only selling “civilian hulls” to Russia.[5] Bruno Le Maire, a former government minister and current member of the French National Assembly, justified continuing with the sale by stating, “It’s the only way to show Vladimir Putin we’re serious.… Putin is playing on Europe’s divisions and hesitations.”[6] Paris is in denial about the potent maritime capability these two platforms will offer the Russian navy.

Pressure from All Sides
French and Spanish support to the Russian navy weakens NATO’s opposition to Russian aggression against Ukraine and projects an image of a divided alliance. The situation requires:

Leadership from the White House. President Obama should make his disappointment about Spain and France’s behavior public. He should also request that each country cease their support to the Russian navy while the crisis in Ukraine continues.
Pressure from Foggy Bottom and the Pentagon. Secretary of State John Kerry and Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel should use every opportunity, including the upcoming NATO ministerial meeting in June and the NATO summit in September, to raise this issue with their French and Spanish counterparts.
A coordinated effort with European allies. The Administration should be coordinating with like-minded allies in NATO to apply pressure to force a change in policy in Paris and Madrid.
Action from Congress. It is incumbent on the U.S. Congress to make it clear that French and Spanish support to the Russian navy is unbecoming of a NATO ally.
Completely Unacceptable
It is unacceptable that two major NATO member states would offer support to the Russian navy at a time when Moscow is actively attempting to dismember Ukraine and undermining the security of the Baltic states. The U.S. government should make it clear at the highest levels that it views any support to the Russian navy in terms of equipment sales and port access as completely unacceptable in light of Russian aggression.

—Luke Coffey is Margaret Thatcher Fellow and Daniel Kochis is a Research Assistant in the Margaret Thatcher Center for Freedom, a division of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies, at The Heritage Foundation.

* Notícia publicada a The Heritage Foundation. Si França i Espanya volen representar un paper creïble a nivell internacional (cadascuna al seu nivell), farien bé de no trencar files amb els seus aliats.

PANAMA, "kriegspiel" autour du canal*

14 février
Par Jean-Jacques Kourliandsky, chercheur à l’IRIS

Il y aura peut-être bientôt un nouveau scandale de Panama. Un scandale révélateur comme le précédent de nouveaux rapports de force. Hier, à la fin du XIXe siècle, il s’agissait de la France et des Etats-Unis. Aujourd’hui c’est l’Espagne qui est au cœur d’un nouveau drame géopolitique, avec toujours les Etats-Unis, mais aussi la Chine, le Brésil et bien d’autres puissances montantes.

Panama, a fait rêver les navigateurs, voyageurs et commerçants, depuis cinq siècles. Le rêve a pris parfois les couleurs du drame. Les grands de ce monde ont bataillé pour contrôler tout ou partie de l’isthme. L’Espagne, en dépit de grignotages britanniques, a occupé l’Amérique centrale pendant quatre siècles. Simon Bolivar, libérateur des Amériques, voulait en faire le centre du monde. L’isthme a été disputé par Anglais et Etasuniens tout au long du XIXe siècle. Les Français ont essayé de les départager en fin de période. Les Nord-Américains ont raflé la mise en 1903 et construit à Panama un canal transocéanique ouvert au trafic maritime en 1914. La Russie soviétique, cinquante ans plus tard, a mis son grain de sel. Avec Cuba, elle a tenté de prendre pied au Nicaragua et au Salvador cinquante ans plus tard.

La fin de la guerre froide avait apaisé les appétits rivaux semblait-il. Elle avait fabriqué une paix régionale en dominos, du Nicaragua au Salvador, en passant par le Guatemala. Les Etats-Unis avaient démantelé leurs bases militaires et rendu le canal aux Panaméens en 1999. Les enjeux de la puissance, et des rivalités internationales, glissaient plus à l’Est vers le Golfe arabo-persique avant de se focaliser sur l’Asie du Sud-est. L’isthme rendu à sa fonction de couloir allait être oublié du monde pendant quelques années. Les aléas de la compétition économique mondiale, exacerbée par la crise occidentale, les ambitions d’Etats latino-américains ayant gagné en assurance, le regard invasif des Asiatiques sont en train d’éveiller de nouvelles concurrences. L’isthme en général et Panama en particulier, sont vus comme une jugulaire articulant divers espaces économiques majeurs. L’intuition de Bolivar a été réactualisée par le dynamisme du commerce maritime, entre Asie et Amériques, Amériques et Europe, Afrique, Proche-Orient et Pacifique américain.

Les pièces d’un kriegspiel centrées sur Panama se sont successivement mises en place de façon accélérée. La réactivation économique latino-américaine, le dynamisme croissant du commerce avec la Chine et ses voisins asiatiques, ont eu comme première conséquence, la décision prise par Panama de moderniser un canal vieux de prés d’un siècle. C’était en 2009. L’appel d’offre visant à créer de nouveaux jeux d’écluses permettant le passage de bateaux gros porteurs, de 15 à 20 mètres de tirant d’eau et 366 mètres de long, a été gagné par un consortium conduit par une entreprise de BTP espagnole, Sacyr. Le secteur sinistré en Espagne depuis 2008 poussait les sociétés de travaux publics à une agressivité commerciale croissante. Le gros œuvre, selon le contrat signé à ce moment là avec l’Autorité du canal de Panama, devait être achevé en 2015.

Cette décision accompagnait une conjoncture restant orientée au vert, marquée par la montée en puissance des échanges maritimes. Panama, a bénéficié de ce climat, tout comme de la récupération des installations cédées par les Etats-Unis en décembre 1999. Sa croissance annuelle a été de l’ordre de 7 à 10% pendant la période. Cet argent a été investi dans l’amélioration d’infrastructures annexes, routes, transports ferroviaires urbains. D’autres acteurs internationaux sont alors entrés dans le jeu. Certains ont offert leurs services pour emporter des marchés locaux. Le Japon a ainsi proposé le plan de financement d’une ligne de métro. D’autres ont anticipé la réorganisation du trafic maritime, et son effet d’entrainement sur la politique d’embargo des Etats-Unis à l’égard de Cuba. Les ports de Houston et Miami ont engagé de grands travaux de modernisation. Et tout en face, à Mariel près de La Havane, le Brésil a financé et construit un énorme port de redistribution de conteneurs, au cœur d’une zone franche. Le Mexique qui avait oublié la région, depuis une dizaine d’années, a annulé 70% des dettes cubaines à son égard. Le Mexique est prés de signer un accord de libre échange avec Panama. Le président, Enrique Peña Nieto, a mis l’accélérateur sur une coalition régionale mise en œuvre par son pays, l’Alliance du Pacifique. Le Costa-Rica a annoncé le 10 février 2014, son intention de rejoindre cette organisation. Panama devrait bientôt suivre.

Les émergents asiatiques sont à l’affût. La Turquie négocie un accord de libre-échange avec le Costa-Rica. Elle envisage l’ouverture d’ambassades au Costa-Rica et à Panama. Le Président chinois, Xi Jinping, a visité la région en juin 2013, une région traditionnellement favorable au frère ennemi taïwanais. Le Costa-Rica, qui préside la CELAC (la Communauté des pays d’Amérique latine et de la Caraïbe)en 2014, a signé avec la RPC une batterie d’accords bilatéraux à portée commerciale. Les entreprises chinoises ont multiplié les offres visant à doubler ou tripler dans un esprit concurrentiel les couloirs transocéaniques. Une entreprise chinoise, CHEC (Chinese Habor Engineering Company), a signé un traité visant à construire un canal sec, une voie ferrée au Honduras, d’Atlantique au Pacifique. Une autre, HKND, a négocié et fait adopter en un temps record par le Nicaragua une sorte de traité inégal, accordant à un financier chinois le droit de construire un canal transocéanique et de devenir le propriétaire des terres adjacentes.

La voiture serait-elle allée trop vite ? Les travaux d’élargissement du canal sont aujourd’hui en effet interrompus. Le consortium conduit par l’espagnol Sacyr s’est déclaré incapable de terminer les travaux. 70% du gros œuvre est pourtant achevé. Mais à cause peut-être de cela, Sacyr et ses associés belges et italiens, demandent à l’Autorité du canal une rallonge correspondant à un tiers de l’appel d’offre pour terminer le chantier. Les Chinois restent mobilisés du Honduras au Nicaragua, comme les Brésiliens à Cuba. Mais ce sont les Etats-Unis qui ont tapé du poing sur la table, début février 2014, et exigé une reprise des travaux dans les plus brefs délais.

Cette réaction nord-américaine est dans l’ordre des textes et des rapports de force. Le traité de rétrocession du canal donne aux Etats-Unis un droit de co-regard. Ils en restent d’autre part les premiers utilisateurs. Ils sont logiquement les premiers intéressés à sa modernisation. Le gouvernement espagnol qui est très dépendant des marchés extérieurs, et plus particulièrement de ceux d’Amérique latine, a envoyé sur place l’un de ses ministres. Ce fiasco entrepreneurial vient après bien d’autres. La crise économique a sensiblement réduit la voilure de l’Espagne. Déjà en novembre 2013 la dernière conférence ibéro-américaine, qui se tenait à Panama, avait été boudée par un très grand nombre de chefs d’Etat latino-américains. Ils étaient en revanche tous à Cuba fin janvier 2014 pour assister au deuxième sommet de la Communauté des Etats de l’Amérique latine et de la Caraïbe.

A l’image de l’Espagne, l’Europe a mal pris la marche panaméenne. La France accuse de façon récurrente Panama d’être un paradis fiscal depuis 2010. Panama a menacé de réviser les grands contrats signés avec des entreprises françaises. L’Union européenne a négocié en 2012 des accords commerciaux avec les pays de la zone qui ne sont pas encore ratifiés. Bruxelles a par ailleurs signalé en janvier 2014 une révision de sa politique à l’égard de Cuba. Certes les jeux sont loin d’être faits. Mais rien ne va plus…

* Notícia publicada a Affaires Strategiques. En vista a anàlisis com aquesta, l'Estat espanyol hauria de pensar-se si pot seguir actuant a l'exterior com actua a casa.

SPANISH NAVY CUTS 18 SHIPS IN 6 YEARS*

By Mark Nolan / 2014-01-09 18:31:08

Despite increased budgets and investment in certain weapon developments, the Spanish Ministry of Defence states that their overall budget has depleted by 32% since the start of the financial crisis, with 8.4 billion in the kitty in 2008, dropping to a mere 5.75 billion planned for 2014.

As a result, the Ministry says that it has no choice but to reduce costs, thus resulting in a significant reduction in high profile military elements, like the decommissioning of 18 naval ships in the past 6 years.

One of the most iconic ships to be withdrawn last year was the aircraft carrier Príncipe de Asturias, decommissioned after 25 years of service, considered a somewhat tragic sight when she arrived at the Arsenal Militar de Ferrol for final discharge from service. But as the last Captain of the vessel, Alfredo Rodríguez Fariñas, explained, modernization and maintenance of the 'Prince of Asturias' cost the MoD a hundred million per year.

Part of the strategy is the withdrawal of these costly and purpose built ships, in favour of more modern craft that meets the needs to the Navy´s international mission, such as the activities in the Indian Ocean where the frigate Álvaro de Bazán and maritime action ship Tornado are currently patrolling, and the ship Cantabria, currently in the sea off the Australian coast.

In actual fact, the Navy has lost some 25 ships in recent years, mostly patrol vessels and 4 landing craft, but a number of new ships have joined the fleet. The construction of other vessels is currently on hold, although it i considered only a matter of time before those projects become reality, which will close the gap further.

This entire Navy is facing a restructuring drive, similar to that undertaken in the Army and its commitment to creating more multi-purpose brigades, and also in line with reduced spending on airborne resources. 

It is also envisaged that two American ships will arrive at the Rota Naval Station in Cádiz in February, the first two American destroyers, the “USS Ross” and “USS Donald Cook”, which form part of the naval component of the NATO missile defence system. The arrival of two other destroyers in 2015 will also strengthen the strategic relationship between the U.S. Navy and Spanish Navy, an incentive aimed to address the short to medium term optimism despite uncertainty caused by restructuring.

* Notícia publicada a The Leader. Els excessos acaben passant factura. Sobredimensionar unes forces per escenaris difícilment probables, acaba topant amb la realitat. Més encara si aquesta està absolutament determinada per la crisi.

Asset splitting: should Catalonia take over spanish air and naval systems?*

As Catalonia moves towards a restoration of her sovereignty, one of the practical aspects to be discussed with Spain is the apportioning of her assets and liabilities. 

Introduction

As Catalonia moves towards a restoration of her sovereignty, one of the practical aspects to be discussed with Spain is the apportioning of her assets and liabilities. Madrid cannot repay her national debt on her own, so it is unthinkable that she will not recognize Catalonia. The alternative is Madrid's default. However, it is not just bonds that one has to talk about. A debate is currently taking place in Catalan national security circles concerning the shape of the country’s Armed Forces, and one of the issues is to what extent to rely on Spanish assets inherited as part of the deal on Spain’s national debt. Some voices would prefer a clean slate, and point out that Spain has often failed to properly maintain and modernize her equipment, a result of her fixation with threatening Catalonia and corresponding dereliction of duties towards NATO. They add that current technological and doctrinal changes may have rendered some of those assets obsolete. Some other voices see the assumption of certain assets, in particular air and naval systems, as serving a number of purposes, speeding up the building of the Catalan Armed forces, reinforcing NATO expeditionary capabilities and European support for the Pivot to the Pacific, and reducing the threat to Gibraltar and the Falklands.

In order to examine this, we have asked Alex Calvo and Pol Molas to provide a brief overview of some of the main arguments in favor and against of taking over some key naval and air assets from the Spanish Armed Forces, as part of a wider deal involving the apportioning of the Spanish national debt. This deal is a necessary condition for the survival of the Euro, since a Spanish default would mean its end, something the European Union cannot allow to happen.

The case for:  removing a threat to fellow NATO members and reinforcing the Pivot to the Pacific

By Alex Calvo

The reconstruction of Catalonia’s Armed Forces is not taking place in a vacuum. Rather, just like the wider resumption of sovereignty by our country, it is sure to have a significant impact on Europe and the Atlantic Alliance, as well as in Spain proper. Admitting in principle that Catalonia should not simply take over any military asset from Spain, regardless of its value, our choice on which systems to include in the agreement on the apportioning of assets and liabilities may not be completely free, or restricted only by the needs of Spain proper’s Armed Forces. There are some reasons for this.

First of all, the international community may be concerned about Spain’s viability. The country is already effectively intervened by the European Union and the IMF, and has repeatedly promised to implement deep economic reforms (which, however, are unlikely to take place until she no longer has access to Catalan taxes, as MEP Ramon Tremosa has often explained). While Madrid is already trying to sell a significant number of military assets, or to transfer existing contracts to third parties, it is not clear whether she will be able to complete this before Catalan independence is formalized. Media reports have extensively referred to, among others, the possible sale of Leopard tanks to Saudi Arabia and Peru, and also to the negotiations with third countries to have them buy the 14 Airbus A400M transport planes that Madrid is no longer buying but is contractually bound to take.

Should these plans not be completed, Spain could end up sitting at the negotiating table with more assets that she can realistically maintain, while on the other hand national pride (and pressure from her domestic defense industry) may force Madrid to insist that she can. In that case, the international community may press Catalonia to take over some of these assets in order to allow Spain to start walking with a lesser burden, while giving her leaders a face-saving formula when confronted by public opinion or their own military.

Furthermore, the current negotiations between Madrid and Buenos Aires for the transfer of some 20 Mirage F1 have prompted concern in the Falklands. While these planes are 38 years old and would mostly be used to provide spare parts, their name is a painful reminder of the loss of HMS Sheffield and SS Atlantic Conveyor. Furthermore, they confirm the view, shared by a growing number of people, of Spain as a rogue state, a pariah country called by some “Europe’s North Korea”. Thus not only the United Kingdom, but also other countries, may press Catalonia to take over some weapons in order to prevent them ending up in the hands of potentially hostile powers.

Finally, the ongoing Spanish campaign against Gibraltar, whose population has repeatedly refused to join her, the recent claims against Portugal concerning the Savage Islands (which Madrid claims are not true islands under UNCLOS and thus give rise to no EEZ), and Spain’s traditionally anti-Israel posture, means that not a few maritime democracies would prefer to see certain weapons systems in Catalan, rather than Spanish hands. Needless to say, that would also mean reinforcing overall NATO capabilities.

Therefore, while making it clear that Catalonia cannot simply take over a certain military asset just because Spain cannot properly maintain it or because Madrid may transfer it to a fellow rogue state or employ it against a maritime democracy, it is necessary to take into account these factors and the resultant pressure from the international community.  Our Armed Forces will not be reborn in a vacuum.

 

The case against: starting on a strong, modern, footing and avoiding preparing for yesterday’s wars.

By Pol Molas

Creating a new state is no minor feat, nor is it providing for its defense. This issue, and specifically the material required, must be seriously thought out. It seems logical to say that a proportional share of Spain's military hardware belongs to the Catalans, however, we must take into account other considerations.

We ought to ask ourselves the following questions :

Which is our strategic framework?
What kind of threats are we facing?
What materiel can be used by the CDF (Catalan Defense Forces) in their initial stage?

The Mediterranean undoubtedly remains the strategic framework for Catalonia, as has been the case for centuries. We depend both on grain and energy imports, and industrial exports. Barcelona, Tarragona and other minor Catalan ports, remain profitable despite the economic crisis. The same could be said about Barcelona's El Prat Airport. This framework, however, is not free of risks or threats.

We can describe the current situation in the Mediterranean as anything but calm. While it is true that a conventional conflict between states is not likely to take place, low intensity conflicts are on the rise, and no less bloody than other sorts. Terrorism, piracy and human trafficking are clear and present dangers today. With this in mind, we must think about how to provide the CDF, including their Navy and Air Force, with the necessary training and equipment.

We must also remember that the CDF will go through an initial phase with very limited capabilities. In particular in terms of specialist personnel able to operate certain weapons systems and sensors. For example, while training crews to operate fast patrol crafts can be achieved easily, instructing a competent corvette crew implies several years. In the case of the Air Force, we could find similar examples.

Due to this, and bearing in mind the nature of the defense hardware acquired by Spain in recent years, some more questions emerge:

Should we become responsible for hardware that hardly fits with the current conflict scenarios?

Should we be burdened with maintaining and upgrading equipment which we will not be able to field for years for lack of skilled personnel?

My answer to the first question is that we just have to assume the materiel needed for our basic strategic goals. Some of these are obvious: the control of territorial waters and airspace, and no less important securing some training platforms. Regarding the second question, the answer is of course no. A negative fostered by the Catalan need to restore her defense industry. Scrapped both by successive Spanish governments and a lack of courage by several past Catalan administrations, few companies in Catalonia remain focused on the defense sector.

The Catalan Navy build-up must be shaped with maritime security in the Mediterranean and strategic mobility in mind. The same can be said about our Air Force, with the addition that it will have an important role as an ISR (Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance) vector.

We have the opportunity to start on a new path, without heavy baggage. We can create the Catalan Defense Forces, adapted to the real threats of our times, operational and deployable whenever required. An institution to serve and protect our people and our allies.

 

Alex Calvo is an expert in Asian security and defense, currently guest professor at Nagoya University. Pol Molas is a naval analyst at the Center for Strategic Studies of Catalonia.

* Anàlisi publicad al CEEC. Reflexions que Catalunya hauria de començar a plantejar-se seriosament.

Guardia Civil incursion near concrete blocks*

Author: GBC
Date: 23 August 2013 at 08:50

There’s been an incursion by Guardia Civil divers this afternoon, who have measured the concrete blocks sunk by the runway. The incident has been reported to London and Madrid for consideration of the appropriate follow-up action.

Video evidence of the incident has been posted on the Europa Press website with experts confirming that the blocks do appear to be those in British Gibraltar Territorial Waters.

The Royal Gibraltar Police, which later on this afternoon sent its own divers down to investigate, says the Guardia Civil launches left when asked to do so. The Gibraltar Squadron was also in the area with officers seemingly

The Convent has pointed out the reef, which it calls the North/West Artificial Reef System, was created by the Gibraltar Government in compliance with EU Legislation and International Conventions.

The Governor says the act of diving itself constitutes a serious violation of British Sovereignty but that the apparent interference with the Reef is a new and worrying aspect. Sir Adrian Johns says this is a blatant attempt to exercise jurisdiction inside British Gibraltar Territorial Waters and, in the light of the conciliatory position taken by the Gibraltar Government, a particularly unhelpful development at a time when all parties should be seeking to ease the current tensions.

The Convent says the incident was reported immediately to London and Madrid.

* Notícia publicada a GBC. Lluny d'aturar-se, continuen les provocacions contra Gibraltar.

http://www.gbc.gi/news/2294/guardia-civil-incursion-near-concrete-blocks

British navy warships to visit Gibraltar amid diplomatic row*

Exclusive: Britain has said a rapid reaction force of warships will visit Gibraltar on its way to naval exercises in the Mediterranean, even as the fierce diplomatic row over the disputed territory looked set to continue.

The Navy’s force led by HMS Illustrious and including two frigates will sail for the Mediterranean on Monday at the start of a four-month deployment.

Three ships including the frigate HMS Westminster are due to stop later this month in the port amid a standoff with Madrid over punitive border checks for visitors to Gibraltar.

The visit was announced two days after Gibraltar’s chief minister demanded that warships be sent to stop Spanish incursions into the Rock's territorial waters. On Thursday, Fabian Picardo told The Telegraph the territory would be delighted to welcome the Royal Navy.

Naval chiefs stressed the visit by the nine-vessel Response Force Task Group was part of a long-planned exercise, and not in response to the diplomatic row.

But it was announced as the dispute over the territory continued despite attempts by the nations’ leaders to de-escalate the situation.

The force of four Royal Navy warships supported by five ships of the Royal Fleet Auxiliary is led by the helicopter carrier HMS Illustrious. It will consist of thousands of sailors and Royal Marines.

The deployment, called Cougar 13, will see the force sail through the Mediterranean and on to The Gulf and Horn of Africa, holding joint exercises with navies along the way.

David Cameron earlier this week said he was “seriously concerned” about escalating tensions over the border between Spain and Gibraltar.

Spain has warned it is ready to impose a border tax, close its airspace to planes using the British overseas territory's airport, and investigate the affairs of Gibraltarians with Spanish economic interests.

The escalation between Spain and the British territory began last month after Gibraltar began building an artificial reef it said would improve fish stocks depleted by incursions by Spanish fishermen.

Downing Street’s claims that Spain had agreed to ease punitive border delays after a call between David Cameron and Mariano Rajoy, the Spanish Prime Minister, appeared premature after Spanish police quickly re-imposed them.

Those entering the Rock quickly found themselves in queues of up to four hours in the hottest part of the day.

Gibraltar’s chief minister, who earlier in the week likened Spain’s stance to “that of North Korea”, said the latest behaviour was just another example of Spanish “duplicity”.

“It’s about time the UK government saw the face of Spain that we see constantly. In Gibraltar we are not so surprised that there was an element of duplicity in the way Spain is going about this,” Mr Picardo said on Thursday.

Following the call between Prime Ministers, Downing Street briefed that Spain had conceded to reduce measures at the border while agreeing the Gibraltar issue should “not become an obstacle in bilateral relations” and that there was a “need to find a way to de-escalate”

However, the Spanish government issued a statement in which it made no reference to any concessions to reduce delays at the border and claimed instead that Mr Rajoy had held his ground over the matter.

“From the two such diametrically opposed briefings from two capitals, it seemed that two entirely different conversations were held,” commented Gibraltar’s Chief Minister.

The front pages of Spanish newspapers on Thursday carried headlines on the “stand-off”.

“There is an obvious defiance displayed on front pages of all the Spanish newspapers today,” said Mr Picardo. “It remains to be seen whether we are going to see that defiance played out on the ground or whether in fact they will talk tough but deliver on de-escalation that the prime minister has sought.”

He commented that perhaps it suited Spain’s ruling Popular Party to keep Gibraltar in the headlines for a few more days yet.

“There is certainly a smoke screen element to all this and the best way for Spanish government to play out August is to have Gibraltar on the front pages and not the scandals that are afflicting them.”

A spokesman for the Ministry of Defence said the annual Cougar deployment was “long-planned and well-established”.

He said: “Gibraltar is a strategic base for UK Defence and as such Royal Navy ships visit its waters throughout the year as part of a range of regular and routine deployments.

“Elements of last year’s Cougar ’12 deployment visited Gibraltar and the forthcoming visit by ships making up Cougar ’13, including HMS Westminster and the Royal Fleet Auxiliary ships Lyme Bay and Mounts Bay, are business as usual. At the same time, other elements of the Task Force will be visiting Spanish ports as part of the exercises.

“The same phase of the deployment will also see port visits in Portugal and throughout the Mediterranean to Spain, Turkey and Malta before onward transit to the Middle East.”

* Notícia publicada a The Telegraph. Com dèiem fa poc, Espanya hauria de saber a què juga.

Send us gunboats*

BRITAIN must send Royal Navy warships to Gibraltar or risk the “consequences” of an increasingly aggressive Spain, the Rock’s chief minister warned last night.

 

Fabian Picardo told the Sunday Express: “We all recall how Argentina took the absence of the right sort of Royal Navy vessels in the South Atlantic in the Eighties as encouragement to invade.

“I don’t believe Spain will invade, but I am seeing Spain becoming much more assertive in these waters as a result of the absence of the right size of naval presence. This could have consequences to British sovereignty which we are all careful to avoid.”

“I believe we need a much greater Royal Naval presence in our waters,”

His plea comes just days after the Rock celebrated the 300th anniversary of the Treaty of Utrecht, which established Gibraltar as a British territory.

Spanish aggression has increased sharply since the country’s Popular Party headed by prime minster Mariano Rajoywas elected in 2011 on a manifesto that included ending talks between Spain, Gibraltar and the UK. Like Argentine president Cristina Kirchner, Mr Rajoy is thought to have deliberately inflamed tensions as a way of distracting voters from the nation’s economic woes.

While Spain has 40 per cent unemployment, Gibraltar’s economy grew by eight per cent last year, bolstered by its buoyant financial services industry and online gaming. About 10,000 Spaniards rely on Gibraltar for their livelihoods and the Rock is home to the world’s top 26 online betting companies.

In February a Royal Navy patrol boat found itself in a standoff with a Spanish warship after repeated requests to leave British waters were ignored and Minister for Europe David Lidington was forced to protest again after a Spanish police boat sailed into British waters and fired at a British jet-skier. Spanish fishermen are frequently defended during their illegal fishing of British waters by Spanish police boats.

In 2011 Madrid laid claim to an area of British waters as a nature reserve. Gibraltar lost its appeal to the European Court of Justice, and subsequently discovered one of the court’s judges was formerly Spain’s chief legal officer.

 

Prince Charles meets the Royal Navy Cadets: Navy's presence is needed

Two weeks ago Gibraltar’s parliament voted to ask Britain for a greater Royal Navy presence and Mr Picardo said the two small, lightly armed patrol boats based in Gibraltar were not enough to deter Spanish aggression.

He added: “Spain wants to assert that these are Spanish waters. It is causing huge concern. Somebody needs to wake up and realise that we should assert British sovereignty.

“We need to drive the message home that these are very clearly British Gibraltar territorial waters.

“The Royal Navy uses Gibraltar as a rest and recreational base, and as a forward mounting base. Now we are saying please don’t just use us, come to our aid at this difficult time.”

Last night Commander John Muxworthy, of the armed forces pressure group UK National Defence Association, said: “This situation is becoming more aggressive by the day, and yet we have only two small patrol boats to stand up for Gibraltar and the UK.”

A Defence Ministry spokesman said: “The Royal Navy currently has sufficient assets to challenge unlawful incursions into British Gibraltar territorial waters by Spanish state vessels and remains committed to challenging any actions by Spanish state vessels which are unlawful.”

One of the Royal Navy’s nuclear powered submarines, HMS Tireless, is currently in Gibraltar for a short visit on its way to operations east of Suez.

* Notícia publicada a The Express. L'assetjament de l'Estat espanyol a Gibraltar continua, quelcom que li pot acabar passant factura. Només cal conèixer mínimament el Regne Unit per imaginar com acabarà aquest afer.

 

Spanish fishing boat enters Catalan Bay*

A Spanish fishing vessel entered Catalan Bay at midday on Thursday, coming inside the confines of the buoys.
The beach police confirmed that the boat, of the type known as a “conchero”, entered from the south and put down its nets before crossing northwards and leaving the beach.
The RGP was called but was engaged in the incident off the runway.
The boat entered at around 5 to 12 and left after only five or ten minutes, but caused outrage among beachgoers due to how close it came to the shoreline.
Photo courtesy of Troy Jeffries.
* Notícia publicada a GBC news. No deixa de ser simptomàtica l'actitud de l'Estat espanyol vers Gibraltar. El menyspreu constant cap al Regne Unit tindrà conseqüències.

Spanish Admiral to Lead EU Anti-Piracy Mission*

BRUSSELS, November 27 (RIA Novosti) – A Spanish admiral was appointed on Tuesday to lead the EU anti-piracy operation in the Gulf of Aden, the Council of the European Union said.

Rear Admiral Pedro Angel García de Paredes Perez de Sevilla will take up the post of force commander for operation Atalanta on December 6. He replaces Rear Admiral Enrico Credendino from Italy on the rotation basis.

Operation EU NAVFOR ATALANTA, launched in December 2008, aims to prevent acts of piracy and armed robbery off the Somali coast and in the Indian Ocean.

In March 2012 the Council of the EU extended the EU counter-piracy operation until December 2014.

Including land-based personnel, EU NAVFOR consists of around 1,500 military personnel.

The composition of EU NAVFOR changes constantly due to the frequent rotation of units and varies according to the monsoon seasons in the Indian Ocean. However, it typically comprises 4 – 7 surface warships and 2 – 3 maritime patrol and reconnaissance aircraft.

Additionally, a considerable international military naval presence is now in the area, comprising the Combined Maritime Forces (CMF), NATO and also units from China, India, Japan, Russia, Taiwan and others.

Task forces from the Russian Navy, usually led by Udaloy class destroyers, operate in the area on a rotating basis.

Russian warships have successfully escorted hundreds of commercial vessels from various countries through pirate-infested waters off the Somali coast since 2008, when Russia joined the international anti-piracy mission in the region.

Russia has also called for the creation of a special UN juridical body to try hijackers captured during anti-piracy operations off the Somali coast.

According to latest UN reports, sea pirates carried out 291 attacks and hijackings around the globe in the first 10 months of 2012. They hold at least 293 hostages.

Pirates are most active in coastal waters around Africa, especially in the Gulf of Aden.

*Notícia publicada a RIA Novosti.

La Armada desguazará el portaaviones Príncipe de Asturias el próximo año*

El portaaviones "Príncipe de Asturias", actualmente inmovilizado en la base naval de Rota, será desguazado el próximo año en los astilleros de Ferrol, tras veinticuatro años como buque insignia de la Armada española. Así lo ha decidido la Armada ante la situación de recortes económicos y tras constatar que poner a punto el portaaviones costaría unos cien millones de euros, según fuentes militares.

Sus partes principales y piezas más importantes tendrán como destino el museo naval u otros museos, según las mismas fuentes que han subrayado la "carga emocional" que supone deshacerse de un buque, que además lleva el nombre del título del heredero de la Corona. Con base en Rota, el emblemático portaaviones española realizó su primera salida al mar el 3 de noviembre de 1987 y fue entregado a la Armada el 30 de mayo de 1988 por la Empresa Nacional Bazán.

Esta incorporación, según la Armada, supuso el ingreso de la Marina española en el selecto grupo de marinas de guerra con un portaaviones. Su misión principal ha sido proporcionar defensa al Grupo de Proyección de la FLOTA (GRUFLOT) y superioridad aérea en la zona de despliegue. El principal medio ofensivo y defensivo del buque era su Unidad Aérea Embarcada, con una capacidad aeronaval máxima de 29 aeronaves. Entre ellas aviones Harrier de despegue vertical, helicópteros SH-3 SEAKING y helicópteros AB-212, cuyas misiones abarcan transporte, Salvamento y Rescate (SAR) y evacuación medicalizada.

Ya en 2007 se acometió una inversión para su reparación y modernización por 3.665.000 euros. Entonces se reformaron las instalaciones de descanso, ocio, aseos y camarotes, y las estancias de oficiales, suboficiales y marinería se diseñaron en estructura modular. En sus 24 años de vida, ha participado en la Operación "Southern Guard" con motivo del conflicto del Golfo Pérsico.

En 1994, ante el recrudecimiento de las acciones contra UNPROFOR, varias naciones de la OTAN enviaron fuerzas navales al Adriático, en previsión de operaciones de protección a los cascos azules. España destacó el Grupo Naval Operativo 81-01, encabezado por el portaaviones "Príncipe de Asturias".

El 28 de junio de 2005 el portaaviones asistió a la Revista Naval Internacional que el Reino Unido organizó en Portsmouth con motivo del II Centenario de la Batalla de Trafalgar. Del 6 de febrero a 30 de marzo de 2006 el buque participó, integrado en una agrupación de la Armada en la que se incluían algunas unidades extranjeras, en el despliegue GALIBER 07 por aguas del Atlántico y Mediterráneo. 

* Notíca publicada a Atenea Digital. Com es va notant, la crisi arriba a tots els àmbits. El portaavions Príncipe de Astúrias, amb només 24 anys de servei s'enviarà a desballestar. Un exemple de que l'adquisició de qualsevol sistema d'armes hauria de comportar també la planificació del cost de manteniment i actualització.

Spanish Navy’s F-105 frigate begins first sea trials*

Navantia has begun the first sea trials of Alvaro de Bazan-class frigate Cristobal Colon (F-105) for the Spanish Navy off the northwest coast of Spain.

During the five-day sea trials, the ship's systems including propulsion and navigation, anchorage and mooring, emergency crafts and turbines will be evaluated and validated.

The frigates' speed, manoeuvrability and fuel consumption will also be tested in addition to its main engines, generators, radars and communications equipments.

The fifth in the F-100 series frigate, F-105 is scheduled to undergo second sea trials in June 2012, during which its Lockheed Aegis 1-D (V) radar and Spanish combat direction system (CDS) including radars, communications, guns, fire control system and command & control will be validated.

Cristobal Colon is 133.2m-long with a full load displacement capacity of 6,014t, can cruise at a maximum speed of 28.5k and is capable of accommodating a crew of 234.

The multipurpose frigate features new solutions and technologies to meet demanding challenges posed by present and future threats, as well as provide flexibility to operate in littoral waters or high seas.

The ship also features high air warfare capability and can be optimised to operate as a flagship in conflict scenarios as part of an allied fleet and support expeditionary forces.

The Spanish Navy had placed orders for the first batch of four ships in January 1997 and took delivery of the fourth ship in March 2006, while the procurement of the fifth vessel was approved in May 2006.

Navantia is expected to deliver the fifth frigate to the Spanish Navy for commissioning in July 2012.

Image: Spanish Navy's fifth F-105 frigate, Cristobal Colon, begins first sea trials off the northwest coast of Spain. Photo: Navantia.

* Notícia publicada a Naval Technology. Malgrat les retallades en Defensa, les proves a mar de la F-105 segueixen endavant.

Navantia Commissions OPV for the Spanish Navy*

Navantia has commissioned the naval ship BAM 'Relámpago' for the Spanish Navy, in a ceremony presided by Pedro Morenés, the minister of defence.

The ceremony has also been attended by the CEO of Navantia, Luis Cacho, the chief of the navy, Manuel Rebollo, and other naval and political representatives, including defence attachés of other countries such as South Africa, Turkey and Australia.

BAM 'Relámpago' is the third OPV of an initial series of four that Navantia is building for the Spanish Navy. The first two units, 'Meteoro' and 'Rayo', were commissioned in July and October 2011.

BAM is a moderately sized, high performance ship with great versatility regarding missions. It enjoys a high level of system commonality with other Spanish Navy ships and has low acquisition and life cycle costs.

BAM's main missions are:

• Protect and escort other ships
• Control maritime traffic
• Control and neutralise terrorist actions and piracy
• Operations against drug trafficking and human trafficking
• Maritime rescue and salvage operations
• Crisis situation support and humanitarian assistance
• Control of fishing legislation
• Control of environmental and anti-pollution legislation

Main features:

• Length overall: 93.90m
• Maximum beam: 14.20m
• Depth to flight deck: 7.20m
• Displacement at full load: 2,575t
• Scantling draught: 4.4m
• Maximum speed: 20.5 knots
• Autonomy (at 15kn): 8,000 miles
• Crew: 35
• Additional capacity: 35

* Notícia publicada a Naval Technology. Creiem que l'aposta de l'Armada espanyola pels BAM és una bona iniciativa en les perspectives d'operacions navals actuals